Archive for the 'Talk Radio' Category

Gardner wants to be on committee assigned to cut $1.2 trillion. What would he cut?

Monday, August 1st, 2011

Rep. Cory Gardner told Al Malmberg on KCOL Radio (AM 600 in Loveland) today that he wasn’t sure how he’d vote on the bill negotiated by President Obama to extend the debt limit.

But Gardner said he’d like to sit on the committee, established under the legislation, to find $1.5 trillion in government cuts by Nov. 23.

Gardner: “I would actually be on the committee, if they asked, because I would be driving the hard decision. I am not afraid…of difficult choices.”

For some good radio entertainment, Malmberg should have asked Gardner for his list of specific cuts. Or he could get this from Gardner next time he’s on the show.

To be appointed to the committee, Gardner should be lobbying House Speaker John Boehner, as reported by ABC’s Jake Tapper, who does a nice job of explaining what happens if the committee fails to agree on cuts by about Turkey Day:

  • Congress must vote on recommendations made by the bipartisan Congressional deficit reduction committee by December 23;
  • If Congress fails to pass the committee proposal, triggers are enacted that spur at least $1.2 trillion in cuts and those will be close to 50/50 split between domestic/defense spending. But the triggers exempt cuts to Social Security, Medicare beneficiaries and low income programs. The cuts will take effect on January 2, 2013.
  • Once unconcerned, Tipton now sounding the alarm about economic consequences of not raising the debt limit

    Friday, July 29th, 2011

    Along with throwing his support behind House Speaker John Boehner’s plan to raise the debt ceiling, Colorado’s freshman Congressman Scott Tipton changed his tune yesterday about the economic consequences not taking action.

    Yesterday, Tipton sounded extremely worried about the economic impacts of not raising the debt limit, but two days previously not so much.

    As the Grand Junction Sentinel reported today:

    “I don’t think I can overstate” the economic dislocation that would take place if the debt limit isn’t increased, Tipton said.

    A reduction in the nation’s credit rating would affect all Americans because no individual can have a higher credit rating than the nation. Mortgage, credit-card rates and other forms of borrowing would immediately become more expensive, he said. 

    Contrast this with what Tipton told the Durango Herald Tuesday:

    Tipton, however, argued that Obama overstated the consequences and that enough revenue would be coming in so that most of the United States’ bills, including to Social Security, Medicare and Medicaid, would be paid. “We do have the ability to meet those obligations,” he said.

    Tipton also told KVOR-AM 760’s Jeff Crank July 16 that the U.S. could meet its financial obligations, even if the debt limit was not raised. Listen to the audio here.

    Crank: Let’s hope we can hold the line much like was done on health care, where really every Republican stayed firm and solid on that point and that we don’t have people getting nervous. This President and the media is very complicit in this, trying to equate a vote on the debt limit increase to the defaulting—the US government defaulting. Those are two very different things and we need, I think as conservatives to do a better job at education that those are different things. Just because the debt limit isn’t raised does not mean that the United States government automatically defaults on its obligations.

     TiptonNo it doesn’t. The revenue that’s going to be coming in just over the balance of this month not only has the ability to cover the other areas we talked about just earlier but also be able to pay all of our interest payments as well. We have numerous economists, and I think maybe the most telling thing that ought to drive a lot of our decisions finally came out of S & P and Moody’s, the rating organizations. It isn’t a matter of just increasing the debt ceiling. They say that there has to be real reform, cuts up to $4 trillion, so that they can give a AAA credit rating to the United States. They understand, finally, at these credit rating agencies that if we don’t get our fiscal house in order we are in the pathway of Greece.

    Please correct me if I’m wrong, but Tipton appears to be the only Member of Congress who’s flipped his views on if extending the debt limit matters, and reporters should find out what changed his mind on this.

    Tancredo gives up his talk-radio show but is open to offers

    Wednesday, July 27th, 2011

    When I called Tom Tancredo to find out why he walked away a few weeks ago from his late-night talk-radio show on KVOR in Colorado Springs, I expected him to say he was planning something else, something bigger and anti-illegal immigrant.

    But he told me that hosting the show at 10 p.m. was “too late for an old man.”

    His dog was falling asleep at his feet, as he did the show on his home phone, he said. That was his final signal to move on.

    So even though KVOR execs were happy with the ratings, Tancredo gave it up, leaving his weekly column in Worldnet Daily as his only regular public offering, though, he says, “wherever two or more people are gathered, and it could be my dog, I’ll speak.” (I assume his dog would have to stay awake?)

    Tancredo says he’ll consider doing an earlier talk radio slot, if one is offered to him.

    “I don’t think anyone will be knocking on my door, but if they knock, I’ll answer,” he said. (Tancredo had a weekend show on KOA, and guest hosted for the station for a spell. He also had a regular two minute commentary on KLZ 560AM, home of flagship tea party show, Grassroots Radio Colorado, before his failed run for governor last year.)

    Tancredo doesn’t miss the radio show much, saying, “It’s kind of nice to be free.”

    But he does miss the venting.

    “During the day I could get so pissed off about something, and I do every day, so I had a cathartic experiences at that hour,” he said. “That was the best part of it.”

    How about blogging, I suggested to him, expecting him to say that he already has a blog.

    But he said, “You have to be a little more focused [to blog] than I tend to be.”

    At first I took this as a back-handed compliment to us bloggers.

    But when you look at what Tancredo has managed to do in his life, with less focus than a lowly blogger, (elected to Congress, raising millions of dollars, repeatedly capturing the imagination of bamboozled reporters), you realize that being able to focus ism’t a good thing. It’s an obstacle to success in politics nowadays.

    Ghost of Walter Conkite makes an appearance on righty talk radio show

    Monday, July 18th, 2011

    EDITOR’S NOTE: When conservatives are cozying up to each other on talk radio, I find myself imagining what the radio interview might look like if a real journalist, or possibly a fact checker, magically appeared to liven things up. Here’s what such a person might add to a June 1st interview on Seng Center, hosted by Jimmy Sengenberger:

    Sengenberger: How is life not in session?

    The Ghost of Walter Cronkite: Yes, how is summer treating you two Representatives? Hello? Can you not hear me? Why are you ignoring me? Just to be safe, I’ll continue to ask my questions.

    Conti: While I would say that we’re finally getting an opportunity to do the things that we did not have an opportunity to do before the last session. And that is do a lot of research, meet with proponents and opponents of bills that you are producing, get people on board and so forth and those are the kind of things that make you write more successful legislation that we had no opportunity to do prior to last session.

    Sengenberger: Rep. Ramirez, what have you learned as a freshman member of the statehouse from that experience?

    Ramirez: Coming into this we felt as though, alright we had a Republican majority in the House, the Democrats majority in the Senate and it was going to be just this battle of not getting anything done this whole session. What I did realize is that if you’re willing to do the work and you are willing to work with people you can come up with some very good legislation and get something done and the realization is that not everyone is willing to do that.

    Sengenberger: What did you learn Rep. Conti?

    Conti: The highs are great and the lows stink but you can find a lot of joy in the journey and it is fun to work with your other colleagues and collaborate and a great spirit and there were some genuine times of bipartisan spirit.

    Sengenberger: Before we jumped into some of the more particular issues like redistricting and other measures that I want to talk about, I want to give both of you a chance to share with us the bills or couple of the bills that you submitted and pushed forth in the House and how they did up faring through the Legislature.

    Conti: One of the bills that I was most excited about was a charter school bill. House Bill 1089 I believe it was. It allowed our charter schools to compete, to step into the arena and compete in the competitive grants at the federal level and competitive grants of the state level categories. Prior to that they had been excluded from those opportunities to step in and compete like about nine other states surrounding Colorado. So this finally allowed our charter schools to do that and that was pretty exciting.

    Sengenberger: And that went through the Senate as well?

    Conti: Yes, signed into law by the Governor.

    Ramirez: That was a really good bill.

    Conti: And I also had a bill…the other two were basically unintended consequences that we were fixing. One of the things that a lot of people don’t know is that in order to fix a bill or kill previous legislation you have to write more legislation to do it. And that’s what we were doing with the window tinting law. We had police officers out there who were having their undercover surveillance equipment, if there were in detective operations and that kind of thing, that undercover surveillance equipment was being discovered because of the limited window tint that they were legally allowed to put on their windows. So they asked for an exemption for those vehicles only that are in those detective operations so they could tint their windows darker and conceal some of that equipment that they might need to have in their cars. And so that also did pass through the House and Senate and the signed into law, as well as a disabled veterans bill. In our privacy requirements, one of the things that they have to do as soon as they verify the Social Security number when people are asking for property tax exemption, which our 100 percent disabled veterans are eligible for, that they have to strike all but the last four digits. The problem is the first people that were verifying that number were the veterans and then the county also needed to verify that. So the county was having to verify based on the last four digits and match the last name and go on a hunt and peck. When the economy was good they probably only had about 50 of those requests a year. But when the economy turned south, all of the sudden 50 turned into 3, 4, 500 of those requests per year and it was just bogging down their office and bogging those claims being processed. So we were able to go in and get that changed so they didn’t have to strike it until after the county had an opportunity to do their verifications.

    The Ghost of Walter Cronkite: Rep. Conti, I believe you numbers might be a little off. According to the State Division of Property Taxation, 3,012 veterans took the exemption.

    Sengenberger: Essentially boosting efficiency for them.

    Conti: Exactly.

    The Ghost of Walter Cronkite: Rep. Conti, one of your main talking points during the campaign was your desire to repeal the FASTER legislation. Early in the year you introduced SB11-095, which would have fulfilled that campaign promise. Was there a reason you chose not to include that bill in your summary just now? Is that because you are still upset with Speaker McNulty because he encouraged you and the other freshman to run on that issue and then he reneged on his support of the bill when he took power?

    Sengenberger: Rep. Ramirez what were some of the things that you advocated?

    Ramirez: I had six bills this year. The first one met an untimely death. It was to allow RTD to use more private entities in order to perform the services they want to perform; everything from drivers to mechanics and everything else. And it turned into a union bill and was really kind of a vicious battle and it in no way was intended to be against the unions. It was just trying to say, ok RTD, you have a certain amount of money. In order to continue the same rate of service, you’re going to have to use more private contracts or else you are going to have to cut some services. And what is going to end up happening is they are going to have to cut some services. So that one died. It was actually a jobs bill.

    The Ghost of Walter Cronkite: Rep. Ramirez, if I can just ask for a clarification. You say your RTD bill a jobs bill? It’s my understanding that the bill replaced a 58% ceiling with a 50% floor of contract work. Interestingly, RTD was currently using 57% outside firms. It seems to me that RTD was already doing a pretty good job handling this issue by themselves. However, you did oppose an amendment that required the private companies doing contract work with RTD be domestic or have principal places of business in the U.S. Was your goal in passing this legislation to protect big international companies or American jobs? [HB11-1054, Second Reading Vote, 2/08/2011]

    Ramirez: Another one that went away was a bill to make a two-thirds majority vote for any debt accumulation by the state. Sounds like a great idea but when you get the bills drafted, you pull them and look at them and what I realized is that it was going to end up costing the state anywhere $800 million to $2 billion a year in lost revenues because the buildings they could have purchased on a lease purchase, money they could have saved on rent, money that could have been made by renting out parts of the buildings they were purchasing. So I killed that bill…

    The Ghost of Walter Cronkite: Wow, your legislation almost cost the state $2 billion? What type of research did you do before the bill was introduced?

    Ramirez: And then last Friday, what I consider one of my larger accomplishments, were two bills that require schools not to hire people with very specific violent felonies. That is anything from murder, rape, felony domestic violence, most of your felony sexual type crimes. And it passed. Also felony drug abuse. Both of those passed. One of them was 54 to 9 out of the House and unanimous out of the Senate. And the other two were unanimous. And the reason why they went through, because two years in a row this bill has been killed, but it went through this time. Not because we had a majority in the House because if that were the case it wouldn’t have gone through the Senate. It was because we sat down with all the entities involved. All the school groups, everybody, and said look, this is what we have to do. With everything going on in the news, teachers having relationships with students they shouldn’t be having. Some of them we would have not even higher had this law been in place. We need to work on this and need to protect not just the kids under our care but the employees within our schools. So they are very good bills.

    The Ghost of Walter Cronkite: Sorry, I believe SB11-266 passed the House 62-2 on 5/11/2011. You don’t want Becker and Sonnenberg getting mad for distorting their voting record.

    Sengenberger: Very well. It seems like the two of you have really been moving and shaking already off in the beginning. And that is a good thing to have all these Republican successful bills looking at it from a political standpoint. Especially when they are good legislation. It seems like both of you Reps. Conti and Ramirez have been successful in pushing forth some good bills. One of the issues I was talking about earlier on the program with Republican National Committeemen Mark Hillman was the redistricting topic. Which in the requirements in the Colorado State Constitution that the State Legislature pass the redistricting bill. The House of Representatives passed a redistricting bill that was fairly similar to what we’ve got now is my understanding in terms of how you break up the lines. Because this follows after the Census you are supposed to rearrange congressional districts. Yet something different happened in the Senate. Want to talk a little about that?

    Ramirez: In the House, our map, since 10 years ago it went to the courts, we decided we want to do like we are supposed to according to the statute in the Legislature. And the bill went round and around and around until it finally came to us in the House. It looked very similar to what the courts designed before. We went by the rules and statute set up for the judiciary so that it would be fair and balanced. Not competitive but fair. And the districts that needed to lose people because they had grown immensely like down in the Douglas County area, the area has grown immensely. Those could be scaled back. In the districts that needed to grow could be expanded because they have lost people. So we worked very hard to make sure that was the kind of map that we did. It was fair. It was actually more fair to the Democrats then the current map is and less fair to the Republicans.

    The Ghost of Walter Cronkite: Rep. Ramirez, you probably saw the story about Sen. Greg Brophy admitting that the Republicans on the redistricting panel were skewing the maps to give the GOP an advantage. Any comments?

    Ramirez: So we went at it as an absolute. This is a great way to work together, come up with a map that we can pass. And you would not believe some of the things that were presented. Some of them presented Grand Junction and Boulder in the same district. Some had a big “C” like they had a big Colorado flag and laid it down on the map and drew a “C” from all the way up in Boulder all the way through Summit, Gilpin and all those and down to Park and around El Paso and Douglas County all the way around Denver. And I said this is the most ridiculous thing I have ever seen. And then the Senate maps, both Republican and Democrat maps, they were just all over the place.

    Sengenberger: And was it Rolley Heath who put forth the final bill in the Senate that ended up being filibustered by the Democrats and then they filibustered their own bill.

    Ramirez: They killed our bill and filibustered their own bill. It was absolutely absurd. We did what we were supposed to do by statute and they just fell short is the best way to put it. Not fell short, they intentionally killed it. They wanted it to go to the courts and that’s what they got. And hopefully the courts are smart enough to figure that out.

    Sengenberger: Rep. Conti, what do you think might be the implications? Well, first off, what is your take on this and what do you think will be the implications of it now going to court. And I know the lawsuit date is set for October 17th that week. What do you think?

    Conti: Frankly I am optimistic. The courts obviously were the ones who drew the maps 10 years ago and we have tried to be respectors of the lines that they drew and keeping it as close to what they drew is possible.

    The Ghost of Walter Cronkite: Rep. Conti, did you just say respectors? Oh, you did. Well, if Sara Palin can make up words, so can all of us I guess. Treeambulist! That was fun.

    Conti: And so frankly I am optimistic that they will see that. And if they liked the work they did 10 years ago, well, this is pretty darn close to it. I am hopeful that it will get settled as soon as possible because obviously there’s a lot of work that needs to be done after that. This is what begins the process where reapportionment with the State House and Senate races, those districts need to be set. And once those are set and of course there’s a very likely court battle over those and after that we have to turn it over to the counties so they can redraw precinct lines and get those out. And of course we have had a primary date that has been moved up. We are no longer in August, now we are in the last week of June. And so all of this has to happen in less time then what they have had in previous years and so it is going to be very…. caucus meetings instead of happening in March now are happening in February. So there is less time then ever to get it all together so I am just hopeful that they will move very quickly.

    Sengenberger: Regards to redistricting in particular, I think they are in the Republicans favor is you have a stronger legal case to make for say keeping communities of interest together and so forth and the Democrats have saying some abstract competitiveness component which is what they have been saying they want to make these districts more competitive, whatever that means, yet there’s nothing in statute that says they have to be competitive.

    Conti: Exactly. And repeatedly in the hearings the statute was read and the qualifications respecting county lines, respecting city lines, respecting community of interest and so forth. And we’ve really tried to do that. Take into account were people shop, what teams does that school play. For an example, my school and the schools in our area don’t really go into Denver to play the sports teams there. They largely play in Douglas County and around at Arapahoe County and so forth. And I commented in my testimony really nothing in my county in the city of Littleton, we really very seldom go beyond Bellevue. Everything that we need: we shop, we eat, our recreation, and everything that we do is pretty much is that South part of town. I really feel we did a very good job in respecting those communities of interest, county lines, city lines, and exactly what the statue asks us to respect.

    Sengenberger: Which of course the Democrats don’t do. Shifting gears, with their proposal that’s what they didn’t do in this particular case. And I do want to say that gerrymandering or manipulating districts isn’t something that just a Democrats thing and Republicans have done the same thing. It is a party thing.

    Ramirez: That is true. And we went at this time not to be a party thing. Most of us are sick and tired of party, party, party. We love our party but it is time that we start looking at what is important and that is getting Colorado back on track. And in order to do that we did things as fair and openly and balanced as we could to keep everyone working together. This map was a joke that Rep. Pabon proposed as an alternative map to the House map. They were talking about things like his communities of interests. He was so mad because the Republican map had four counties that had pieces of them cut up. Little sections of them had to be taken out to account for numbers. But yet when he showed his map there were nine counties that had been split up in different ways and cities that had been cut in half. You know they can have an argument but if you are going to argue something, stick to what you just argued about. If you are going to say that this map is black and this map is green, then don’t turn it around and say it’s pink and purple because it doesn’t work.

    The Ghost of Walter Cronkite: Well put Yogi Berra.

    Sengenberger: Well put. Before we have to take a quick break with our guests Reps. Robert Ramirez and Kathleen Conti, I want to ask you and I’ll start with Rep. Conti, about this lawsuit that was just filed last week dealing with TABOR saying this violates the Federal Constitution’s Guarantee Clause we talked about earlier Mark Hillman. What is your take on this lawsuit?

    Conti: I can certainly understand how they say that it limits the legislature. Although in the past five or six years we haven’t even come close to TABOR limits. So it really has not been too much of an issue in the legislature at all.

    The Ghost of Walter Cronkite: That’s correct Representative. But the reason we are not getting close to TABOR limits is because we are in a recession. The Center on Budget and Policy Priorities notes that in a recession, “revenues often stagnate or decline and thus fall short of the TABOR limit for that year. Under the TABOR formula, that lower revenue level becomes the base for calculating allowable revenue growth in all subsequent years. As a result, it could take a state several years just to return to the level of allowable revenue that existed in the year before the recession.” Do you think once our economy starts moving again that TABOR will hinder our recovery?

    Conti: The fact of the matter is, if you want to talk about things that tie the hands of legislatures, we would also have to take a serious look at Amendments 23 and the Gallagher Amendments as well, because what that does, it is a long and drawn out thing, what that does is artificially hold individual property taxes low while business property taxes high. And what that does is limits the counties income. And so the more the counties income is limited, the more than that they have the inability to fund their own schools, which shifts that weight onto the state. It used to be that literally the counties were coming in and they would pay for two-thirds of the school budgets and the state had to backfill one-third. Today that has absolutely flipped. Now the counties are only paying for one-third of the school tab and they’re asking the state to backfill two-thirds.

    Sengenberger: Rep. Ramirez?

    Ramirez: She is absolutely right. Which is one of problems with our budget. 46 percent of our budget goes to schools. 46 percent. You got a state like Wyoming where it is like 3 percent and that is just discretionary because their schools and colleges for the citizens of Wyoming is almost completely fully paid for through the oil and gas industry. Ray Scott had a bill, 1223, which was probably the one bill that could have created massive job increases, huge revenues to the state and put our state back in order, which would reconstitute the Colorado Oil and Gas Conservation Commission. Had he done that, we could’ve started drilling for oil and gas on school trust lands. They would receive the severance taxes, the royalties, more money directly to the schools where they are not having to go to the legislature for it. It’s their money. And the legislature is not having to say what are we going to cut because we don’t have any money. And when you look at an $800 million increase in Medicaid in one year, what do you expect people to cut?

    The Ghost of Walter Cronkite: To clarify for our listeners, the $800 million increase in Medicaid that the Representative is referring to was due to the passage of the hospital provider fee bill (HB09-1293). To clarify a point, no general fund money (besides a $2 million start up cost) was used to fund the Medicaid expansion that the Representative is referring to. Rep. Ramirez, does this mean you supported the repeal of the hospital provider fee (HB11-1025)?

    Ramirez: Where do you expect it to happen? So that bill would’ve created between 50,000-100,000 jobs immediately.

    The Ghost of Walter Cronkite: Wow! Colorado’s oil and gas industry currently employs 50,000 people. By signing the bill, you are claiming that we would have increased the oil and gas industry by 150%? The current number of unemployed people in Colorado is 233,157. So by putting two more industry people on the board, we would have cut unemployment by 43%? That could mean a new job for every working-age person in your city of Westminster (70,893). This seems hard to believe. What am I missing Representative?

    Ramirez: It would’ve created between $800 million and $1.2 billion in taxes to the state, not including income taxes, the money that people were spending in the community, the increase in other companies that would come here again and hiring more people. So that is a very conservative estimate.

    The Ghost of Walter Cronkite: Rep. Ramirez, where did you get the $1.2 billion figure? I am assuming not the Colorado Legislative Council, which is tasked to analyze how much revenue will be affected by bills, which puts this bill at a $0 increase.

    Ramirez: That bill alone would’ve turned Colorado around.

    The Ghost of Walter Cronkite: Not to play devils advocate, but I read that the COGCC approved 5,996 drilling permits last year, the most since the recession began and the third highest in the commission’s history. It seems to me that the change in the COGCC membership, as well as recent oil and gas rules signed into law under Gov. Ritter, didn’t actually have a negative effect on the industry. Any thoughts Representatives? [Durango Herald, 4/05/2011]

    Sengenberger: It’s really striking that you have such proposals. I’m not surprised that was unsuccessful. There is this idea out there that we need to be looking in a totally fundamentally different direction when it comes to energy and how we extract that.

    Ramirez: I agree with that. I agree that we need to look at green energy. I agree we have to look at that. Wind, oh what a wonderful thing. But it takes one kilowatt of gas energy per hour for every kilowatt-hour of wind production. Because wind is not dependable. Second of all, there’s no way to store the energy to use it when you don’t need it. It’s just ridiculous. So until we come up with the storage plan for wind and the way to make solar energy cost effective, we can just destroy our economy and our livelihood based on just pie-in-the-sky.

    The Ghost of Walter Cronkite: According to the International Energy Agency, wind is competitive in cases where local conditions are favorable. Studies also show that we do not need storage plans for energy for wind to be economically viable.

    Sengenberger: I absolutely agree…I want to shift gears with you both to a few different topics that went on in this legislative session. The first one, this was music that came up out just this past Tuesday when Gov. Hickenlooper vetoed, his very first veto as governor, a bipartisan bill dealing with health-care premiums for people who are making below 250 percent of the poverty line, dealing with the Child Health Plan Plus Program. Rep. Ramirez, you want to talk a little bit about this?

    Ramirez: Well first off, it is below 250 percent. Now 250 percent of poverty level is about $60,000 a year, $58,000. 205 percent is the bottom. So if you’re between 205 and 250 percent of the poverty level, which means if you are between about $47,000 and $58,000, then you are going to be required to make a small monthly payment for your insurance. Now my insurance, for me alone, is $120 a month. If we are taking about poverty levels in the state legislatures, let me tell you something, $30,000 a year, you take $115 -$120 a month, that adds up quickly.

    The Ghost of Walter Cronkite: Sorry to interrupt. I agree that $30,000 is a lousy salary for legislators. Are you advocating for higher salaries?

    Ramirez: Now what we were asking is to pay $20 for their first child, up to $10 per child until you hit the $50 maximum if you are within that. So if you’re making between $47,000 and $58,000 a year, almost $60,000, you have to pay $50 a month if you have four kids.

    Sengenberger: Not a big deal.

    Ramirez: For full coverage insurance. Better than anything you or I have. It was bipartisan. I didn’t think it was unreasonable. It was really a low cost. And if you’re below that $47,000 level, you don’t have to pay anything at all. You just have to pay the $25 or $50 annual fee. But I will let Kathleen talk.

    The Ghost of Walter Cronkite (Channeled By Jason Salzman): What if families are required to pay more for their children’s health insurance, and they don’t pay? And what if, as a result of not ponying up, they don’t take their kids to the doctor for checkups and something goes wrong? And their kids, not their parents, ultimately pay the price? (Rep. Ramirez did answer these questions when I interviewed him, basically stating that if parents cannot afford health insurance for their children they should be turned over to social services)

    Sengenberger: Rep. Conti, it seems to me that this bill, had it become law, would simply have had these people get some skin in the game so that they would just not be taking advantage of state run entitlement.

    Conti: Absolutely. It’s my experience, especially as a parent, that if people don’t have any investment, they don’t appreciate what they have. Bottom line, I can point to numerous examples of that and I think we have all seen that. When someone is simply handed something and they have to pay nothing into it, they will have a tendency not to treat with respect that its do.

    The Ghost of Walter Cronkite: OK, I will admit that some adults need a lesson in personal responsibility. But this bill specifically punished sick Colorado children for their parents’ mistakes. Is that the type of government we want in Colorado?

    Sengenberger: Now Gov. Hickenlooper said in his veto statement that the focus of his administration in evaluating premiums and making changes will be to implement a change that is minimally disruptive, administratively efficient, effective and elegant, and supports the goal of insuring that kids have access to coverage. What you make a Gov. Hickenlooper statement and do you think that or why do you think that he vetoed a bipartisan bill like this?

    Conti: I would also encourage him to look at the disruption that it’s going to be if this has an effect on maintaining a balanced budget. The budget was in a balanced status and I believe that is taking that bill into effect. If he is going to veto that, is it going to have a budget impact and what disruption is that going to have? So I would encourage him to really factor that in as well.

    The Ghost of Walter Cronkite: Let me read something from Gov. Hickenlooper’s veto message: “Because the expected timeline of SB11-213 would have been sometime in 2012, the process we will follow will implement a cost-sharing structure on a similar or earlier timeline.” Well good, it seems like he already did what you were asking.

    Sengenberger: Rep. Ramirez?

    Ramirez: I don’t know. Does he want to pull another $360,000 out of K-12? Because that is what is going to happen.

    The Ghost of Walter Cronkite: Rep. Ramirez, I’m not really sure where you are getting the $360,000 figure. “A fiscal analysis predicted the bill would save $5.9 million in 2012-13. However, only $1.2 million of that would be general-fund savings. The bulk of the remaining unspent money would come in the form of $3.9 million in lost federal matching funds for CHP+.” [Denver Post, 6/01/2011]”

    Ramirez: Medicaid, which is what we are talking about here, its actually the child care program but it’s still Medicaid. Its government funded health insurance, which is 100 percent free to everyone, really, with the exemption of $25 a year. That’s free when one office visit is $150. It’s basically free. When we had an $800 million increases this year, which is why we had to cut money to schools, why we had to cut money to prisons…

    The Ghost of Walter Cronkite: Wait, I’m going to have to stop you there Representative. Medicaid increase led to school cuts? That a little disingenuous because, once again, the $800 million increase in Medicaid was due to the passage of the hospital provider fee bill (HB09-1293). No general fund money (besides a $2 million start up cost) was used. Just to make sure we are on the same page now—the funding for the $800 million increase in Medicaid and Colorado school funding are not pulled from the same pot, correct?

    Ramirez: [The $800 million increase in Medicaid was] why we had a cut so many different programs that are beneficial and productive, now we are going to have to cut more because he has taken the budget out of balance. And he has said he knows better. Well if he knows better, then he should better come up with a way to come up with another $360,000 to put back into the budget.

    The Ghost of Walter Cronkite: Are you saying that CHP+ is not “beneficial and productive?”

    Sengenberger: Now his administration is saying that this doesn’t change anything with the budget agreement that came up before. So essentially they are just spinning with this is, saying we’re going to deal with this in other ways.

    Ramirez: That is exactly right.

    Sengenberger: Now let’s just stay on this topic of the budget. Rep. Conti, what do you make of what was approved, what was done in regards to trying to bring down the shortfall that we face in the state addressing the these budgetary concerns? What were some of the things that were done and some of the stuff that you take away from it?

    Conti: This year’s budget was called one of the most responsible that has been put forth in about a decade. And that is by some legislators that have been there longer than that time period. It spends less than the 2010-2011 budget and we felt that that was very important. State spending had been on a rapid increase for the past four years. I think we went from 17.1 to 19.6 over a four-year stint and during that time, every year they were cutting more and more from our K-12 school system. So if we were going to be cutting and we are not going to be fully funding K-12, we better be spending and cutting somewhere. We better not be spending and increasing yet cutting K-12.

    The Ghost of Walter Cronkite: As a parent I know you are worried about school funding. But how do you justify voting against suspending the vendor fee, which would have transferred $85 million into the education fund. [SB11- 223; House 2nd Reading COW on April 13, 2011; Colorado Statesman]

    Conti: So I thought it was a responsible thing that we were able to cut the budget by hundreds of millions of dollars. It also contained 750 fewer full-time employees than what had previously been there. That’s because our Joint Budget Committee went on a good research stint and were able to find 750 of them that were unstaffed and they were able to eliminate. If you figure an average, I think its $62,000 a year salary, you can start to do the math on that. And again, that wasn’t cutting anyone’s job. It was unstaffed positions that money was still being allocated to those departments for. So great research work on behalf of our Joint Budget Committee.

    The Ghost of Walter Cronkite: First off, I think the average salary for a state worker is $51,527 a year. Second, I have a story from the Denver Post that says, “While Republicans say the budget “contains 750 fewer full- time positions,” as many as 676 were “phantom” posts that departments had been authorized for in recent years but had not filled, usually because there wasn’t funding. The elimination of the positions from the state list of total full-time positions was essentially a cleanup action. In other words, no one lost their job, nor was money saved as a result of those positions being eliminated.” The Post is saying no money was saved by the “job cuts.” Do you disagree with the Post’s findings?

    Sengenberger: Rep. Ramirez, what do you make of the budget actions that were taken?

    Ramirez: I lost track there, I know we cut 750 FTEs, full-time equivalent positions. There were a couple of those that actually had people in them. Not very many. But a lot of people say we actually didn’t cut anything. You heard about the 5,000 increase in jobs during the recession that the Ritter administration and Democrats hired. That’s because those full-time equivalent positions were out there and they said hey they are out there, lets just hire somebody and put them in there. Then they have a permanent job, they’re good. We get rid of 750 of those that we found. In the different entities they are actually hiding these positions when they go to their budget review. So our JBC did a phenomenal job at finding these and cutting them. We cut the budget like Rep. Conti said, by over $250 million less than what it was last year. I had one gentleman, I’m not going to bring up his name, but he ran for offices last time and he’s listing he will know who I’m talking about, he confronted me at CRBC and asked where’s this $1.1 billion your talking about? It’s a myth number. You’re still going to spend about the same amount. There is not $1 billion you have to cut the budget. Well, when you look at $800 million increase in Medicaid, there you go. Now I got to come up with $200 million more. I got to cut the budget because we are not going to spend as much because that’s what we promised we would do. We would be responsible in what we were spending and be responsible with the taxpayers’ money. It’s not my money. It’s not your money. It’s not the state’s money. It’s the taxpayers’ money and we were responsible. We cut another $250 million. There is your $1 billion right there. So I think we did a phenomenal job.

    The Ghost of Walter Cronkite: Really, that’s how you think you cut the budget? I thought we already clarified this Representative. The $800 million increase in Medicaid was due to the passage of the hospital provider fee bill (HB09-1293). No general fund money (besides a $2 million start up cost) was used.

    Ramirez: And it’s really strange because the Republicans in the House voted for it, the Democrats in the Senate voted for it and the opposite in each house didn’t.

    The Ghost of Walter Cronkite: What? It passed the Senate 30-5 and the House 50-14. I think it’s really strange you wouldn’t remember what happened on one of the biggest votes of the session.

    Ramirez: So we worked very hard to make things happen. We actually found an extra $90 million for K-12. So it wasn’t such a horrible cut. And going into next year with possibly a $700 million shortfall for K-12 because of the federal funding that we are going to lose. I’m actually petrified of what we are doing. So I think we went the right way in cutting the debt…

    Sengenberger: Well I want to shift gears before we let our guests Rep. Kathleen Conti and Robert Ramirez go, Senate Bill 200, which has spurred controversy in conservative circles. This has been pejoratively named AmyCare for those of you listeners out there who want to put two and two together. I’ve stated on this program that I have serious issues with that legislation. I oppose it personally. But I want to get your take. I’ll start first with Rep. Conti as to why you voted, I understand you both voted in favor of it, and why you voted in favor of it?

    Conti: Thank you Jimmy. I can certainly understand people’s angst over it after all that we have heard about healthcare exchanges and the likes of the federal act commonly called ObamaCare. However, not all healthcare exchanges are created equal and there was a very definite… the business community work very hard in the off-season to ensure that they were very tight guidelines that the board that is going to be put together as a stay within as they created this healthcare exchange. Some of those requirements: it had to be competitive; they could not disallow any insurance company to get into it; they could not set rates or dictate any rates that they would choose to set; it had to increase competition; it had to reduced cost; it had to increase availability. And so with these and then we have legislative oversight so if it does not accomplish these goals the legislature can go in and abolish it if it does not meet these goals. And then we have the simultaneous knowledge that if the legislature failed to pass something that Gov. Hickenlooper was well on record saying that he would do it by executive order and he would take either the federal plan or some type of more morph of it.

    The Ghost of Walter Cronkite: On CPR, Mike Whitney reported, “Governor Hickenlooper has been trying to get the House and Senate to come to agreement on an exchange bill, but if they can’t, he has the power to set up an exchange on his own by executive order. The governor says he doesn’t want to do that. HICKENLOOPER: If I create it, it’s not going to have the same strength as if it’s created through legislation.” I guess we are looking at different records?

    Conti: So you had your choices; you either had legislative control or the governor was going to do the federal plan or some kind of morph of it, which would most assuredly left us single-payer.

    The Ghost of Walter Cronkite: Assuredly left us single-payer? How do you figure Representative?

    Sengenberger: So essentially the idea that Republicans would have at least had their footprint on whatever would end up happening.

    Conti: And we had some type of oversight over it and our bill mandated that there would not be any single-payer option that would go into it.

    Sengenberger: Rep. Ramirez, what is your take?

    Ramirez: There are a lot of people that are up in the air about this. It was actually a very difficult vote but when I looked at it and you look at what the governor was going to do, he was going to put it under the Department of Health. Which means that the Department of Health was going to work directly with the insurance companies. Which means that the government now knows why you are going to the doctor, who you are going to the doctor to see, what’s going on with you, all your problems and that is precisely what the liberty groups and myself and most conservatives don’t like. That is what ObamaCare is. The healthcare exchanges it not…

    The Ghost of Walter Cronkite: That is a pretty crazy conspiracy theory. Do you and Dan Maes ever go bike riding together?

    Ramirez: Exactly. And had we not done it, would’ve had a bigger bureaucracy created that is actually under a department within the government and that is hugely expensive.

    Conti: Exactly this bill expressly prohibits the board from creating rules, mandates, regulating insurance, soliciting bids, price-fixing, purchasing insurance or using state funds to do it. It establishes an oversight board and there is also a five-year review process allowing for the repeal if the model fails to meet the strict guidelines established by the bill.

    Ramirez: Every way this bill couldn’t possibly been put together and still pass, to both follow what we have to do by federal mandate which I don’t like any more than you do, I can tell you I like it worse, we did. Because regardless of whether the lawsuit passes this is not going to make a difference. We still have to follow by the law. I hope the lawsuit…what is the right word…I hope we win the lawsuit because, to be honest with you, I think it is a bunch of nonsense…

    The Ghost of Walter Cronkite: The Affordable Care Act is a “bunch of nonsense?” I’m assuming you don’t mean the protecting children with pre-existing conditions part. Or the banning lifetime on most annual limits. Or reducing the national debt. Would you mind clarifying the nonsense?

    Ramirez: In this case, what we set forth was the most positive bill we could get out there that keeps us in compliance with federal law. And what most people don’t understand is there are strings that are attached to the federal government. Over the past five years we have taken so much money that we have no choice on where we are spending our money or how we’re spending it on a lot of things. This was the best way to do it, to where when the federal government, if they win and God forbid that they do, I am praying every day that they don’t, then the government has said you have to have an exchange and we will let you do your exchange.

    Conti: It is proactively defensive and that is about the best summary you can give it.

    Ramirez: I would rather not have one at all. I would rather not have Obamacare. Lets just say that, I would rather have Ferrari. But I’m driving a Suzuki…

    The Ghost of Walter Cronkite: I have driven a Ferrari and it was awesome. But I still think I would prefer to have most Americans covered by health insurance then to own an Italian sports car.

    Sengenberger: What I do want to asked though, and I will throw this to Rep. Conti, is you had every Republican in the Senate vote against it, every Democrat in the Senate vote for it, you had only 13 Republicans in the State House, still a majority, not vote for it and you even had one Democrat vote against it. What are we to make of the fact that it has got Majority Democrat support?

    Conti: In the Senate?

    Sengenberger: In both.

    Conti: Ehh…

    Sengenberger: In both the Senate and the House.

    Ramirez: Ha ha, we tricked them.

    Conti: I would say that I think they were making a statement at the time. There were some amendments that they tried to put on that were consistently shot down, shot down, shot down, and I think that they were more making a statement about that then really looking at it. When I talked to some senators and asked them specifically and pointedly why did you not support it? Why did you vote no? The answer was because we could.

    Ramirez: And I will give you an example. The budget. It’s not bad. What do you think?

    Sengenberger: Decent. It could be a lot better.

    Ramirez: I agree. But it is heading in the right direction. But when you’re fighting with things, trying to get things past and you realize you have a job to do, sometimes you’re not going to get perfect but it’s heading in the right direction. Do I have your agreement on that?

    Sengenberger: With the budget?

    Ramirez: Yes, the budget.

    Sengenberger: Yes, ok.

    Ramirez: OK, no Democrats in the House voted for it. No Republicans in the Senate voted for it. So similar thing here. What it is, that is a game of majority minority and that is a political game that I absolutely despise and I will tell you right now you’ll not find many votes at all…any votes that I played that game on. But what you will find it is it was used just immensely by the minority parties in both houses.

    Sengenberger: So just to repeat what you just said, no Democrats voted for it in the House, no Republicans voted for it in the Senate, it was just the majority parties in each.

    The Ghost of Walter Cronkite: Yes, lets repeat what he just said. I’m pretty sure it passed the Senate 30-5 and the House 50-14.

    Sengenberger: Well that is not the case though with this bill.

    Ramirez: Well, no it’s not. But you asked why did all the Republicans in the House vote for it, because it is a majority party thing. Now in the House, the Democrats, they’re thinking Obamacare. Obamacare- great. But I asked a lot of them and a lot of them did not read it. Didn’t read it at all. I read through it and I sat through meetings on it. I had individual meetings about it. I talked to many people about this bill. It is what we needed to do and hopefully, if Obamacare fails, legislation is legislation and we can change things.

    Sengenberger: I just find it interesting though that the Democrats would vote for this bill when they could’ve then…using this argument chosen the alternative, which is Gov. Hickenlooper or President Obama coming in and doing it.

    Ramirez: I can’t answer that for you. I can tell you what they think it is. When I heard a lot of people, they were shocked when they found out that agents and brokers were allowed to be involved. They were shocked that wasn’t single-payer. After they voted for it they started talking, we need single-payer and I said it wasn’t in there. What? I think that is really a…what do you call it…a shell game. And the Republicans were playing it and so were the Democrats.

    Conti: And I know that there were some Democrats who did read it who didn’t like it. As a matter-of-fact, we heard a lot of Sen. Boyd, who was the Senate sponsor, was taking a lot of heat from her party that it was too free market. So there was anger on both sides of the fence but there’s a reason that NFIB, the National Federation of Independent Businesses, did endorse the Colorado health care plan but is not endorsing the California health care exchange.

    Ramirez: So did CACI, basically the state chamber of commerce for large companies, they did it. CRBC, the Colorado Republican Business Coalition endorsed it. These are small one-owner companies and they did a lot of research on it and they were late to the party. But they said you know what, this is the best bill that I have seen. It’s a good bill and a whole lot better than what we’re going to get stuck with and we have to something, so please do it.

    Sengenberger: What I would like to see would’ve been an effort to repeal the legislation which prevented these coming up naturally and attempts to…I think the legislature would be able to try to do something when Gov. Hickenlooper would implement whatever he implements that there would be some check or something along those lines that down the road the legislature would be able to have.

    Ramirez: An executive order is an executive order. You get no choice in the matter. You cannot do anything with it. That is why all Obama loves them so much.

    Conti: That is why we have state employee unions-executive order.

    The Ghost of Walter Cronkite: Which I assume you oppose, correct?

    Ramirez: I’ll give an example. Colorado Oil and Gas Conservation Commission. Ridder changed it by executive order two years ago to include almost nothing but environmentalists and a couple of engineers. They used to have business industry experts, oil experts, engineers, and environmentalists. It was equal. The new proposal just added a couple of industry experts and a couple of oil and gas experts to it. It didn’t even take away from what was and yet he wants that power by executive order to say I’ll do whatever I want to do.

    The Ghost of Walter Cronkite: Rep. Ramirez, I seem to remember the COGCC was changed due to the passage of HB07-1341, not executive order. That bill decreased the number of oil folks from 5 to 3 (not 0) and only added two environmental people to the commission. Can we have someone check on that?

    Sengenberger: I just want to say that I respect you both Reps. Robert Ramirez and Kathleen Conti for coming in here to talk about these different issues and standing by your vote. Like I have said in the past this is one issue where we disagree. Reagan said that you are 80 percent allies is not your 20 percent enemy. So there maybe a lot of conservatives who say that the 13 in the legislature who voted for it should not be supported in the future. We should have primaries against them and so on and so forth. I think that his is something that I firmly disagree with but I would not go that far to say they you’re now an enemy of our movement.

    Ramirez: Hey, I was number 12 on the liberty watch list. I’m good.

    Sengenberger: Well that is a plus. Well thank you so much for joining us.

    The Ghost of Walter Cronkite: Yes, thank you very much. I enjoyed this. Even though no one answered my questions, it’s nice to be out and about for a change.

    Talk show hosts should ask about poor kids whose parents won’t (or can’t) pay more for state health insurance

    Wednesday, June 22nd, 2011

    The conservative talk-radio world erupted in anger a few weeks ago, when Gov. John Hickenlooper vetoed a bill that would have required families near the poverty level to pay more for state-subsidized health insurance for their kids.

    On KLZ’s “Grassroots Radio Colorado” June 1, Rep. Brian DelGrosso told hosts Ken Clark and Jason Worley that families need to “have some kind of skin in the game.”

    On Regis University Radio’s (KRCX) “Seng Center” June 2, state Rep. Kathleen Conti told host Jimmy Sengenberger: “It’s my experience, especially as a parent, that if people don’t have any investment, they don’t appreciate what they have.”

    On the same show, Conti’s colleague Rep. Robert Ramirez added that it’s “not a big deal” to ask families earning between 205 and 250 percent of the poverty level, making $45,000 to $55,000 per year, to pay between $240 and $600 per year for health insurance, as stipulated by the bill vetoed by Hick.

    But the talk-show hosts didn’t ask a question that might keep you up at night if you had to vote on the bill:

    What if families are required to pay more for their children’s health insurance, and they don’t pay?

    And what if, as a result of not ponying up, they don’t take their kids to the doctor for checkups and something goes wrong? And their kids, not their parents, ultimately pay the price?

    On the radio, DelGrosso said he thinks families making about $55,000 per year have enough money to pay more for their kids’ health insurance. “…They are not taking trips to Mexico on that, probably,” he said. “But quite frankly, they are not living in a cardboard box on the side of the road either.”

    DelGrosso is partially right here.

    The Colorado State Legislature’s bipartisan staff, in its fiscal analysis of the bill vetoed by Hickenlooper, estimated that 80 percent would pay the higher premiums. And a report by the Colorado Center on Law and Poverty shows that half or more of the families in question have some disposable income.

    But what about the half who don’t? And what about that pesky 20 percent?  The state’s fiscal analysis assumed that 20 percent of kids in families from this income group  would drop off the health insurance rolls.

    On KLZ radio, DelGrosso questioned the 20 percent drop-off figure, saying it wasn’t based on a study of what happens to kids from families making 206 to 250 percent of the poverty level.

    “So they were seeing a 20 percent drop off with the very low income,” DelGrosso told Worley. “But it wasn’t a true apples to apples. It wasn’t people making $50,000 a year, are we going to really see a 20 percent drop off. So even some of their statistics are wrong.”

    I called Joint Budget Committed Fiscal Analyst Melodie Beck, who arrived at the 20 percent figure, to find out if DelGrosso was right.

    Turns out, he was.

    “Different states and different studies have shown different rates of drop off,” Beck told me. “There wasn’t an apples-to-apples study. We honestly don’t know for sure. In my professional judgment, we picked a fair and defensible assumption of 20 percent based on the available studies. But there is uncertainly. You could have differing opinions.”

    She told me she believes one thing is certain. Some parents will drop their kids’ health insurance. 

    “There’s going to be a drop off, whether 20% is correct drop off, maybe not. Maybe it’s 10 percent. Maybe it’s 25 percent. Maybe it’s 30 percent.”

    So this gets back to the unasked question. How do legislators like DelGrosso, Conti, and Ramirez feel about the children who are going to lose their health insurance if Colorado makes families pay more?

    I decided I’d do Jimmy Sengenberger’s job for him and call Ramirez myself to find out what he thinks.

    ““The bad parent, it’s still their responsibility to take care of their kids,” he told me, adding: “If there are parents who aren’t going to take care of their kids, Jason, that’s where child services comes into play.” (Back in March, Sen. Greg Brophy suggested foster care for kids in this situation.)

    Is he concerned that this approach puts kids at risk?

    “When you’re talking about risk, I keep hearing, we need to take care of our children,” Ramirez replied. “Not true. We need to make sure that people having children are being responsible. And that’s where social services comes in.”

    Ramirez, who points out that uninsured children still have treatment options in America, told me he wants to lessen risk to kids in the long run by addressing the financial problems now.

    “I think it [the bill Hickenlooper vetoed] was the right thing to do to save the program. Let’s save the program and pass on some of the costs, because we don’t have the money to run it.  And with the increase in Medicaid, it just killed us all the way around.”

    Overall, he said: “I accept the responsibility that as a community we should watch out for people and help people when we can as a community. That’s what churches and charities are for. That’s where I give my time and money. I’m involved in several organizations. That is not a function of government. It is not constitutional.”

    Sengenberger, along with Clark, Rosen, and other conservative talkers, should really start asking their guests about the risks of dismantling government programs. This might add more spice to the shows.

    KLZ’s Worley, for example, told me via email:

    BTW, the endgame on this is that if parents don’t take care of their kids they go to jail.  We have laws against child abuse.  But unless you want to put a govt monitor in every house there is no easy answer.

    It seems Worley’s guests are thinking along the same lines, but Worley and his counterparts should do us and their ratings a favor and talk about it.

    Grassroots Radio Colorado a “permanent fixture” on KLZ 560 AM

    Tuesday, June 7th, 2011

    If you hear a media company promoting itself as, “Crawford Broadcasting, for god and country,” then your bias is to think it’s right wing. But it wouldn’t have to be, of course. Conservatives don’t have a lock on god and country. It could be a progressive station.

    But it’s not. It is, in fact, a right-wing outfit. And in Colorado, it manifests itself as Crawford-owned KLZ 560 AM on your radio dial.

    The program line-up is mostly syndicated hard-right wingers, but it airs a talk show on local issues as well. The slot used to be hosted by anti-abortion activist Jim Pfaff, whose questioning of Ken Buck caught my attention last year, but he departed from KLZ AM 56o after the election to take a job in Congress.

    Now KLZ’s local show is called “Grassroots Radio Colorado,’ and it’s been added to the permanent line-up, after a successful trial period, according to a statement by co-host Ken Clark, reported by blogger Ari Armstrong:

    I was told that it could not be done, especially by two guys with zero radio experience and more importantly, in a “major market.” Well, we proved them wrong by hosting the show for over six weeks straight (an audition if you will), after which Crawford agreed to a contract. Now Jason Worley and I are permanent fixtures on 560 KLZ.

    “We are the voice of the grassroots liberty movement in Colorado,” Jason Worley said on a recent show.

     That’s the truth. If you want hear and understand the Tea Party, and you want to do it in your breezy car as you head home from 5 p.m. to 7 p.m., tune to 560 AM.

    Talk show host’s personal investment history hasn’t affected his views on PERA

    Thursday, June 2nd, 2011

    A reader of my blog recently suggested that I ask KOA’s talk-radio host Mike Rosen if his personal investment losses, which made a big splash in the local media a few years back, gave him any qualms about his argument for the privatization of PERA, Colorado’s pension plan for government workers.

    In 2009, Rosen told the Rocky Mountain News that he had invested a “seven-figure” sum, roughly 80 percent of his net worth, with the  Boulder-based Agile Group, which invested indirectly with Bernie Madoff. The Agile Group, which Rosen had promoted on his radio station, suspended redemption requests, and Rosen told the Rocky he lost a lot of money.

    “I might have to work for more years than I had planned and I might not be able to retire as comfortably as I had planned,” he told the Rocky.

    But his own experience doesn’t seem to have affected his view that the government cannot afford to guarantee the pension plans of its workers. Here’s what Rosen emailed me:

    The “retirement money” of government employees under PERA isn’t protected by PERA, it’s protected by the taxpayers who are forced to cover any PERA shortfalls; the very same private sector taxpayers who are relying on their own “unprotected” 401(k)s for retirement income.  PERA’s investment portfolio includes mostly private sector stocks, bonds and investment funds.  If PERA switched to a defined contribution plan for future retirees, those government workers would be on equal footing with private sector workers.

    Government workers who want more investment security could direct their 401(k) defined contribution plan investments to Treasury bills or FDIC insured accounts which offer lower returns in exchange for more security.  That’s the kind of choice private sector employees on defined contribution plans have to make, including me.  “Guaranteed” defined benefit pension plans are no longer viable.  Future taxpayers shouldn’t be held liable for the irresponsible promises made by past, current or future politicians of guaranteed retirement benefits to government workers.  In Flemming v. Nestor (1960), the US Supreme Court ruled that not even Social Security benefits are guaranteed and can be changed by Congress at any time.     

    My personal investment experience hasn’t changed my options.  And no one is guaranteeing me defined retirement benefits.

    Maybe the government should guarantee everyone’s investments in anything.  We’ll just add those future liabilities to the national debt.  That’s absurd, of course, but I wouldn’t put it past some budding socialist to demand it.              

    Among friends on radio, McInnis says he has “complete vindication” but “just a little too late”

    Tuesday, May 31st, 2011

    “You are among friends here,” Rick Wagner told his radio guest Scott McInnis Thursday. “No one is going to try to pick at you because I know there is a limited amount you can say about it.”

    Wagner kept his promise, stroking McInnis for about 15 minutes, even saying that McInnis’ plagiarism “was brought up by his primary opponent in the election, which of course was The Denver Post. I believe they were running for governor.” (McInnis has also blamed The Post for his downfall.)

    Feeling comfy, McInnis told Wagner that last week’s regulatory decision not to strip him of his law license was “kind of bittersweet news” but, still, “gave us complete vindication.”

    “Just a little too late,” he said.

    Why did McInnis wait until it was too late? Why didn’t he release the emails that allegedly instructed Rolly Fischer not to plagiarize? That’s the question everyone’s been asking, and of course Wagner didn’t ask it.

    But McInnis seems to think he had provided proof of his innocence all along, but no one listened!

    “And at the beginning, we obviously stated exactly what had occurred, and we were vindicated by the Supreme Court that came out with the same kind of findings,” McInnis told Wagner, who interviewed McInnis Thursday on KFKA’ s Amy Oliver Show (1310 AM in Greeley). Wagner was substituting for Oliver.

    Wagner should have pointed out that the report of the state’s Office of Attorney Regulation Counsel, whose record has been questioned by Westword, did not exonerate McInnis. It allowed him to practice law, but it didn’t clear him of plagiarism or of fraud.

    As The Denver Post’s Dean Singleton said on KHOW’s Caplis and Silverman show last week, McInnis is still a plagiarist, even if the plagiarism was  executed by his assistant Rolly Fischer. This conforms with the view of Prof. Bob Steele, a journalism ethics guru, who pointed out last year that even if text is given freely to a writer, word-for-word use of it still constitutes plagiarism. And in McInnis’ case, Colorado Supreme Court Justice Gregory Hobbs did not authorize McInnis to use his words.

    Neither has McInnis been cleared of misrepresenting his water-musings articles to the Hasan Family Foundation, which he described as “original,”  leaving him open to charges of fraud. Seeme Hasan acknowledged on KHOW’s Caplis and Silverman show that contrary to what the Foundation stated last year, McInnis did inform her, on a fax cover sheet, that he had hired an assistant to work on the water project. But Hasan says the assistant could have been answering the phones, for all she know. She did not know he would be writing the water musings, and she would not have allowed this had she known, she told KHOW.

    With these issues unaddressed, it was easy for McInnis to tell Wagner, who’s a conservative columnist for the Grand Junction Sentinel, that “Laurie and I are very thrilled” with the attorney-regulation report.

    Looking ahead, McInnis told Wagner that he thinks the attacks on him were so successful that they will be replicated.

    “Look at the destruction that it did to us,” McInnis said. “And I think you’re actually going to see this tool utilized even more in the future.”

    Is McInnis thinking there are more candidates out there who got paid $300,000 for a two-year fellowship, hired a research assistant to do the job, and didn’t have the time or inclination to make absolutely sure the final product wasn’t copied from a Supreme Court Justice? And then tried to blame everything on his research assistant?

    We don’t know, because Wagner didn’t ask.

    (Click here for the BigMediaBlog transcript of the McInnis interview discussed above. Contact jason@bigmedia.org for a copy of the audio recording of the McInnis interview.)

    Follow Jason Salzman on Twitter @bigmediablog.

    Transcript of May 26 Interview with Scott McInnis

    Tuesday, May 31st, 2011

    Transcript of Interview with Scott McInnis on KFKA’s Amy Oliver Show(1310 AM in Greeley), May 26, 2011

    Rick Wagner substituting for Oliver. The interview starts at about one hour, 37 minutes.

    Wagner: I know that you’ve had some kind of good news recently.  I know there are a limited amount of things that you can talk about it because it had to do with regulation counsel, the State Supreme Court dealing with this alleged issue of plagiarism this thing was brought up during the election when you’re running for governor. And frankly you should be governor. But anyway, I am going to give you a chance to say something on its. You are among friends here. No one is going to try to pick at you because I know that there is a limited amount you can say about it. The story is out that you have been essentially exonerated by the attorney regulation counsel and the Supreme Court, which controls attorney licensing and talks about behavior. We are one of the few states where behavior outside of what happens in the legal case or if you break the law influences what can be shaped or done by the Supreme Court.  Pretty much everything that you do can be looked that by the Supreme Court to see if you are a good person to have a license to appear in front of the bar. Scott had this complaint filed and it has taken a long time to get through the system about this issue involving some writings he had done on water law.  And if all you people can remember how this was brought up by his primary opponent in the election, which of course was the Denver Post. I believe they were running for governor. I’m not sure. I want to let Scott just talk to little bit about it. Scott just go ahead.

    McInnis: Just a little history to it. I ran for governor. I always considered that the privilege to have the opportunity. We had a great campaign going. I had big dreams for Colorado and where we, as a team, could take the state.  And out of nowhere popped up these allegations in regarding plagiarism. Needless to say we felt very strongly about this, but allegations were filed with the Colorado State Supreme Court as result of this event. And kind of bittersweet news, for over a year we’ve been in an intense investigation and the results of the investigation were just released last week by the State Supreme Court, and they gave us complete vindication.  It supports, obviously, statements and position that I took from the very beginning with this was first, when we first were aware of it. That was about 4 o’clock in the afternoon the afternoon before it was broke, ah put out, by the Denver newspaper. So Laurie and I are very thrilled by the result. We spend most of our time over Grand Junction and although as I said it was bittersweet because it was year-long. Even the people who filed the complaint which was Ethics Watch, which in my opinion is an arm of the Democratic Party, even they acknowledged the investigation of the Supreme Court was very thorough. The findings of the Supreme Court were probably for someone who is kind of an expert of looking at these kind of things, will tell you that the opinion is very strong and certainly terrific news for us. Just a little too late.

    Wagner: Well I read several versions of the opinion and the actual letter that I know is out there from regulation counsel.  And it was a fairly strong vindication of you and they brought up some things out there that had not come out during the original piece of this. That you had made it clear that to your researcher that you wanted him to use as must stuff as original possible. Not be lifting anything. And that he believed that some of the comments out there were in the public domain. Probably was not true. That he put in there. And you put the foundation that you were doing the work for on notice that you had a researcher hired. 

    McInnis: Well Rick, I can tell you that I have taken a lot of pride over the years. As you know, you and I are both attorneys. Not only did I practice law but I was in the United States Congress. Not only the United States Congress but was in the Colorado House of Representatives where I was the majority leader, and I was also a police officer. Never in my career, never in my career, have I ever had some question my ethics. Or my integrity.  And that is exactly what they tried to do.  They threw everything that they could at us. And at beginning we obviously stated exactly what had occurred and we were vindicated by the Supreme Court that came out the same kind of findings.  Very strong findings because of course they have an investigative arm and they’ve had a year to investigate this. These are professional people.  The Supreme Court and I think anyone out there is going to acknowledge, look,  it probably has more credibility than any investigative group in Colorado. And they should, rightfully.  So we are pleased with the results.  Nonetheless Rick we have been under this kind of…

    Wagner: It’s a cloud over a person’s life.

    McInnisYes of course it is a cloud so we are pleased with the results. But it was very unfortunate.

    Wagner: I’ve told people at my radio show and I might have mentioned it in Greeley when I have hosted to show for Amy when she was out-of-town. I do not like this political sort of regulatory game that gets played.  This happens to involve regulation counsel which I think is especially off-topic for the governor’s race.  If you want to make a point of this and say look this guy did this and we think that is not a good idea for someone who’s running for governor-that’s fine.  But when people start turning the election laws in this case the regulatory counsel as sort of a diversionary tactic from these. Unless there is some major wrongdoing, I am not interested in doing that to political opponents. 

    McInnis: Well look what happened Rick. Look at the destruction that it did to us. And I think you’re actually going to see this tool utilized even more in the future. Politics is a tough game. Unfortunately it diverts from the real issues. Some of the shenanigans that have gone on, I think you’re going to see more of it I think in the race. Just in the congressional race we saw this last week in New York where they threw is a straw man to throw the race.

    Wagner: We talked about that last hour. We just mentioned it last hour it was my impression that they threw this former Democrat in the race in New York 26. 

    McInnis: Not only, Rick, was he a former Democrat, he was a very very wealthy individual, and then he came in and declared, self-declared that he was carrying the Tea Party mantle, and as a result of that, he was able to pull enough votes from the Republican that the Democrat won the race. Now the Democrats like to say that it’s Medicaid, Medicare excuse me. Certainly Medicare is a big issue out there. But, the combination of the fact that the Congressman had to resign in shame—so that’s a disadvantage for the party to start with. Then you throw in there the money that they were able to come up with the straw man. This guy was a Democrat for a long time. He switched to an unaffiliated so we could run as Tea Party. You know, that’s a, it’s not illegal but it’s certainly what I would consider kind of a strategy that is deploying pretty dirty politics. I think you are going to continue to see that. We have a history of it. I mean, clear back to George Washington. You know, ack in those days, it‘s interesting, because having a quote “illegitimate child.” I don’t see how any child is illegitimate. At any rate, back then they would throw that at each other and so on. So, the unfortunate part of it, it cost us dearly, but I hope that it doesn’t discourage people for running for office. It is so critical that we don’t let them beat us down. And I can tell you that Laurie and I are as strong as ever. The results that we saw here were redeeming nonetheless. We just want people continue to have faith in the system. 

    Wagner: It makes a person feel better to be redeemed at some point. You can certainly argue something about choices made during the campaign and how you handle stuff, but setting other people’s hounds loose on you to get outside of the questions of the campaign a little bit is something that I just find disturbing.

    Wagner: We are back with my guest Scott McInnis and one of the things that I wanted to get Scott in for which is to talk about politics little bit too.He’s interested in politics. [laughs] So I wanted to get his take on a couple of things. Having been in the state Legislature for awhile, what do you think is going on over there in the last year? 

    McInnis: Well this is a difficult year for the Legislature because, one, they only did they have their budget situations, but they have a new governor and probably really critical, although it’s not an interest on Main Street, it is the redistricting and reapportionment.

    Wagner: Wow, that’s what I wanted to talk about. You are taking my notes and you can’t even see them.

    McInnis: Rick, there’s a difference, and it’s easy to confuse. Reapportionment applies to the State House seats. Redistricting applies to the U.S. Congressional seats. 

    Wagner: I use them interchangeably but I know that there is a difference.

    McInnis: It is easy to confuse them. Interestingly, I saw where, what’s the Congressman? Kucinich. Whatever his name is out of Ohio. I worked for him. Well not for him obviously. I worked with him. He actually is going to be redistricting out of Ohio. He is going to lose his congressional seat.

    Wagner: Because they are losing population.

    McInnis: Yes he is now talking about moving to Washington State to run as a Congressman out of Washington State in a very liberal district up there. It’s interesting. He was on the news last night. Another thing is that, in Colorado there is, contrary to popular belief, there is no restriction that a state has to elect Congressman out of a particular district. You can elect your Congressman statewide. Now that doesn’t happen in Colorado, and it’s never happened Colorado. But what we have to be particularly cognizant of here in Colorado; how they carve out these districts and what happens.  As you know the Democratic Party took the official position, and they were down here they put together a bill that would split the Western Slope.  Now the only way you can split the Western Slope for example and have enough population to have the two congressional districts is the population would have to be a big community or a big city on the other side. We don’t have big cities over here.  So there are a lot of political tricks that are going on on redistricting.

    Wagner: Our ideological nemesis I call them in the newspaper, Boulder County, was going to be paired up with Mesa County.

    McInnis: Yeah, what do we have in common with Boulder? Really, I mean it just doesn’t make sense. So it is a busy year for the Legislature. This will go the courts. That’s, in my opinion, what the Democrats wanted to happen from the very beginning.  They do well in the courts on redistricting. So that’s an issue they’re dealing with. And then at the federal level, of course you asked about the state level, but at the federal level, they have massive deficits that they gave to deal with and the presidential election coming up.

     Wagner: That usually means nothing will get done.

    McInnis: Well that’s right. Next year’s session will be very interesting. It will be very short session.

    Wagner: Yeah and everyone is going to go home to campaign. You were in Congress for a long time. Ten years I think.

    McInnis:  Twelve years.

    Wagner: Twelve years. So you see that. You can tell it’s an election year, particularly a presidential election year when there is a lot going on. The business of Congress starts getting truncated right there and everybody tries to get out of town.

    McInnis: And now you see it the year before. Next year is the election year. But this year, the Democrats are not going to put up a plan, and let’s delay the hard decisions until after the next election. Which means it will be delayed until after the next election.

    Wagner: They didn’t even put a budget up. The Democrats didn’t put a budget up.

    McInnis: Reed said he is not going to. Doesn’t intent to. SO the legislature will be out pretty soon.  When is their last day? It’s coming up pretty soon. Isn’t it?

    Wagner: Yea I just saw something on that.

    McInnis: Unless are called back to special session which I don’t think they will be because they did get their budget done. Then redistricting goes to the court. I’m pretty confident that the court is going to leave the Western Slope…well the Western Slope is defined differently. I’m talking about all the mountains from Vail back. Well because Vail, they stuck it to us. I’m pretty confident. Let me put it this way. I would be totally shocked if the courts decide that the interests of the western Colorado in the community interests and community tie-ins would be better served by splitting the Western Slope.

    Wagner: It is supposed to be a continuity of interests. It’s not supposed to be competitive districts which is the Democrat talking points all the time. Our listeners over here in Greeley, the fourth congressional district. They are trying to monkey around with that to, what I read, is that Brandan Shaffer who lives in Longmont can run against Corey Gardner.

    McInnis: That is exactly right. Corey Gardner has done a fabulous job by the way. He’s a star over in the Greeley area. But they will look at the rural areas. The two areas, the district on the Eastern Slope and the district on the Western Slope. Which have, by the way, a lot in common. Although their waters are primary aquifer, and so on, and our waters are primary surface, etc. But we have a lot of interests with the rural part of part of eastern Colorado…western Colorado. They are going to do the same thing with eastern Colorado. Try and use it to slice up to benefit the city districts. So Corey has got his hands full. Scott Tipton has his hands full. And by the way the state legislatures, their seats are being realigned too. So they have their hands full.

    Wagner: Well it’s going to be interesting and we have to keep on top and pay attention and a lot of it is going to happen in the courts like you said. And then that ends up being done by fiat. The processes is not anything that we see. I know that the folks over in Greeley are worried about how this is going to go. They got a great congressman in there now with Corey, and they need to hold on to him. It’s going to carve that baby up.

    Radio host doesn’t catch Romer misstatement that he wants to put middle-school sports back into middle schools, when the program already exists in DPS middle schools

    Wednesday, May 25th, 2011

    On KCFR’s Colorado Matters last week, mayoral candidate Chris Romer said he wants to “make sure we put sports back into middle schools.”

    This surprised me, because I had just watched my son, who plays on his DPS middle-school baseball team, lose badly in the playoffs to the kids from DPS’ Hamilton Middle School. (The loss seemed like a bad dream to my son, and maybe it was, if Romer is right and his baseball team doesn’t really exist.)

    Radio Host Ryan Warner, who conducted excellent interviews with both mayoral candidates, didn’t ask Romer how he plans to put middle-school sports back in the middle-schools, when they’re already in the middle schools.

    But fortunately I got the chance to put the question to Romer Monday night, during a debate on Colorado Now with Aaron Harbor.

    Romer wasn’t bothered at all by his apparent misstatement on the radio, saying he wants to “expand” the middle-school sports program.

    Before posing my question to Romer, I had called John Andrew, DPS Middle School Athletics Manager, to find out more about the DPS program

    He told me it serves 5,000 kids this year, up from 1,700 in 2003, with teams in 30 middle schools. Thirteen sports are offered, including baseball, proving unfortunately that my son’s repeated strikeouts were real.

    Andrew said that DPS has the only program in the nation with funding from all the major sports fanchises (Nuggets, Avalanche, Broncos, Rockies). They cover the entire budget, except fees.

    But I knew the program doesn’t cover all the kids who want to play sports, because my son was mercilessly cut from the team the first year he tried out.

    So I asked Andrew how his program could be expanded.

    He said the size of existing facilities prohibit much expansion, like adding a junior varsity program with games against other schools. He said possibly some sports could be enlarged, but what Denver really needs for kids’ sports is a middle school sports center, basically a b big indoor gym, like the 54,000-sq-foot Gold Crown Field House in Lakewood, which might cost something like $12 million. (Once such a complex is built, no small task but a doable philanthropic campaign, Andrews is confident he could raise funds to pay for programs expenses.)

    Another way to expand the program would be to add sports for 4th and 5th graders, in elementary school, according to Andrew, which might cost $800,000 annually.

    I told Romer and Hancock of this middle-school need, and they both supported it, without proactively offering any ideas on how to pay for it.

    Now that some of the facts are on the table about DPS middle-school sports, which came up because Romer was asked for a specific way a mayor could help the DPS,  Romer should explain how he might pay for it. And Hancock should chime in.

    (Watch the Romer-Hancock debate that includes the middle-school ports discussion on Channel 3 (K3 Colorado KCDO-TV) in two parts on Sunday, May 29, from 8 p.m. to 9 p.m. (Part 1), and June 5, at the same time (Part 2).)

     Follow Jason Salzman on Twitter @bigmediablog