Temple misleads in his response to 5280

June 10th, 2009

In his article in the current issue of 5280 Magazine, Maximillian Potter describes an “executive agreement” between former Rocky Editor John Temple and E. W. Scripps, which owned the Rocky.

 

According to Potter, the agreement stated that at least part of Temple’s compensation package from Scripps might have been jeopardized if Temple committed, “’an act or a series of acts that results in material injury to the business or reputation of the Company or any subsidiary.’”

 

Because of this agreement, Potter writes, Temple “might have had something to lose” by publishing articles in the Rocky that were unfavorable to Scripps.

 

Potter writes that the existence of this agreement might explain why Temple rejected a Rocky column of mine in January. Im my column, I called on reporters to detail how the federal government could delay or even stop the closure of the Rocky. No reporting about what the government could do to help the Rocky had been published at the time.

 

I wrote that the Justice Department had the power to force Scripps to spend more than one measly month looking for a buyer for the 150-year-old institution. At the time, it appeared that the Rocky would be closed one month after it was put up for sale by Scripps on Dec. 4, 2008. In the end, Scripps closed the newspaper on Feb. 27, 2009, about three measly months after it went to the sales block.

 

Potter quotes journalists like Mike Littwin who say Temple was an excellent editor, but Potter also points out that Temple was an executive vice president of the Scripps newspaper division. So Potter writes that “it’s hard not to wonder how Temple couldn’t be influence by corporate concerns.”

 

In his response to Potter’s article, Temple defends himself in part by pointing out that two weeks prior to rejecting my Justice Department column, the Rocky ran a column of mine titled, “Can we blame Scripps? Yes.”  In it, I called on journalists to air the view Scripps shouldn’t rush the Rocky to the sales block, particularly after the company made lots of money over the years in the Denver market.

 

Temple writes that if he were simply protecting Scripps and himself, he wouldn’t have run my first column, and he wonders “whether many editors would run” a column like mine. It’s a sad reflection on the state of journalism, but Temple is probably right. I wouldn’t be bragging about this if I were Temple, but, still, hedeserves credit for publishing my first column.

 

But there was a difference between my column that Temple rejected and the one he ran two weeks earlier.

 

My first column, the one that Temple published, was a simple ethical argument—that Scripps owed it to our community to stick it out a bit longer. Unfortunately, that’s a purely idealistic notion that’s easy to ignore.

 

But my second column, the one that Temple rejected, offered a real option, however far-fetched, for government action that could have cost Scripps millions of dollars.

 

There was a remote chance at the time that some Democratic leader in Denver might have latched onto the idea of extending the Rocky’s sale period for, say, a measly six months or even a measly year, and pressured his or her fellow Democrats in the Obama Administration to lean on the Justice Department to intervene and force the Rocky to stay open. This is exactly the kind of idea that paranoid corporate lawyers would have counseled Temple to keep out of his newspaper. But Temple wouldn’t have needed a lawyer to understand that this was a touchy subject for Scripps.

 

The experts I interviewed said that the Justice Department could indeed force Scripps to extend the amount of time that the Rocky was on the sales block. In my rejected column, as Potter writes, I cited examples of this type of intervention, none of which had been reported in the Denver newspapers.

 

Temple has my eternal respect for, among other things, hiring an outsider like me to critique the media, including his own newspaper. So his rejection of my little column is all the more mystifying to me.

 

Temple’s journalistic justifications for spiking it just don’t add up. His repeated claim that I got my facts wrong annoys me because he has yet to point to a single incorrect fact in my rejected piece. Legal experts had different views about Scripps’ options at the time, so some “facts” were in dispute and remain in dispute to this day, but my sources were highly credible. In fact, one of journalism’s leading experts on JOAs, Editor and Publisher’s Mark Fitzgerald, said the JOA expert whom I interviewed, Stephen Barnett, was more knowledgeable about JOAs than Fitzgerald was.

 

Temple’s previous assertion that The Post and the Rocky had reported on what the government could have done to help the Rocky is laughable.  As pointed out here, no such reporting had occurred when I wrote my column, so my criticism was valid. It was reported that the feds would likely do nothing and the Justice Department wouldn’t talk. There was nothing about options for federal intervention that could keep the Rocky’s doors open.

 

Potter didn’t accuse Temple of bending journalism to benefit Scripps and to protect himself, and neither would I. But Potter makes the point that you have to wonder, and I agree.

 

Still, I think Temple could have spiked my column because his long-standing frustration with me as a media critic had reached the boiling point, or he was in a bad mood when he first read my column.

 

Or maybe the rejection occurred because the very reasonable Vince Carroll was on vacation and unable to work with me on the column.

 

One thing’s for sure. Temple was definitely not interested in publishing my piece, or anything resembling it. I submitted the column five days prior to publication, well before my deadline, because I knew the topic was sensitive. Three days prior to publication, after Temple initially rejected it, I offered to submit a new draft. Temple declined my offer. His decision was final.

 

 

 

So who knows what was going on Temple’s mind?

 

In any case, Potter’s article is not only critical of Temple but of Scripps generally. It was great to see the 5280 piece, because when it closed the Rocky, Scripps mostly got a free pass in Denver.

 

How great would it have been if Temple had put out a final edition of the Rocky slamming Scripps for shutting the paper with one day’s notice after a pitifully short three months on the market—after the Rocky had been around for 150 years.

 

Instead, journalists were jumping up and down praising the beauty of Rocky’s last issue, even though there was barely a peep of critical reporting about the closure in it. Yes, I know, obituaries are usually free of criticism too, but so what.

 

Yes, it’s hard times for newspapers, but Scripps owed our community more respect than we got in the end. Thanks, 5280.

Tancredo happy about Rocky closure

May 29th, 2009

On KHOW’s Peter Boyles’ show this morning, former Congressman Tom Tancredo said that the day the Rocky closed was the “happiest day of [his] life” because he thought it meant that Rocky columnist Mike Littwin would be silenced.

What a drag for Trancredo that Littwin landed at The Post.

Time for Lefty Bloggers to Embrace Compromise

May 28th, 2009

I picked up Eric Boehlert’s new book, Bloggers on the Bus: How the Internet Changed Politics and the Press, because I wanted to find out how a journalist like Boehlert shows that bloggers have a real-life impact on politics.
 

I mean, we all know there are who-knows-how-many bloggers out there, posting political opinions, facts, corrections, and errors of their own on the Internet for all to see. But what do they actually achieve, beyond talking to each other? Or should I say, linking to each other? How does their work affect mainstream politics?
 

That’s the beauty of Bloggers on the Bus. It captures the tactics used by blogging activists, who have writing skills but often minimal political experience, to move a lefty notion out of fantasy land and into the mainstream consciousness.
 

One way bloggers do this is by using cyber fundraising tools to steer political donations to promising underdog candidates, like unknown Elwyn Tinklenberg, who came inches away from unseating Minnesota Rep. Michele Bachman, a GOP rising star, who stirred the ire of bloggers when she suggested that Obama was anti-American.
 

The book also explains how a “blogswarm” (many blogs focusing on the same topic) creates a wave of actions by blog readers. For example, bloggers mobilized their minions to inform the Democratic presidential candidates that planned debates on the Fox Network would have given undue legitimacy to Fox as a news source. The Democrats eventually agreed, and the debates were canceled.
 

Bloggers are probably best at swarming, and influencing the mainstream media in the process, but they also investigate. Liberal bloggers revealed that right wing pastor John Hagee, who had endorsed the Republican nominee, sermonized that God sent Hitler to “hunt” Jews and force them to go to Israel. After a video was uncovered and promoted by a little-known blogger, John Wilson, McCain denounced the pastor—to the dismay of right wingers.
 

After reading Bloggers on the Bus, you’ll be able to list substantive political victories that can be attributed fully or mostly to bloggers.
 

As he explains how these political stories unfolded, Boehlert profiles the bloggers involved, illuminating their all-American brand of hard work and entrepreneurialism. The how-I-became-a-blogger stories (e.g., from art gallery manager to famous lefty blogger) are entertaining and inspiring.
 

The credibility of Bloggers on the Bus is enhanced by its willingness to air the nasty disagreements among liberal bloggers—as well show the erroneous information that promulgated by top blogs (e.g., the false claim that Gov. Sarah Palin was not the real mother of her young son).
 

Boehlert acknowledges that left-leaning bloggers swarm around topics that most voters unfortunately could often care less about. Liberal blogs sink their teeth into wonky issues, like the Bush Administration’s wiretapping or President Obama’s refusal to pursue Bush officials who committed war crimes.
 

The tendency to fixate on fringe issues makes sense when the bloggers are in pure combat mode against the right wing.
 

But now their man, Obama, is in power—even though, as Boehlert reports, Obama has unfortunately distanced himself from bloggers who helped him get elected.
 

Should these bloggers adjust their tactics to help Obama succeed in the compromised Washington milieu? Or should they continue to slash and burn and demand the President address their off-the-radar-screen screeds?
 

If you’ve read Bloggers on the Bus, you know moderate voices urging compromise will likely encounter a sea of venom online.
 

That’s too bad, because bloggers can clearly get things done when they have a focus, which should now be to dig into Obama’s core agenda (health care, the economy, and energy).
 

If they do this, they’ll be taking advantage of an opportunity for political change unlike any they’ll likely see again in their lifetimes.
 

If you had any doubt that liberal bloggers are a force to be reckoned with in American politics, Bloggers on the Bus will make you a believer.
 

Front-page ad

May 18th, 2009

Have I been asleep, or was this past Saturday’s (5-16) Denver Post the first edition to carry a dispay ad printed on the front page, across the bottom maybe eighth of the page?

We’ve seen the ads that fold over the front page–as well as the stick-em post-it ads. And of course there are the ads on the plastic newspaper bags.

But did we break new ground Saturday?

If so, more power to the Post. If not, I’m glad the paper already ran ads on the front page.

You have to hope that readers will understand that the purist rules about journalism, like no ads on the front page of serious publications, don’t make sense anymore. Journalism boo bahs used to think that an ad on the front page not only confuse readers about news and advertising but might be a problem if the company running the ad found itself covered in a front-page newspaper story.

I once criticized Channel 7 for running a casino ad on-screen during its sports segment, and I certainly would have criticized The Post for printing a front-page ad, even a just few years ago.

But times have changed fast, and newspapers and TV stations need to do whatever works, within reason, to keep serious journalism alive.

Penry growls softly at McInnis

May 8th, 2009

Down at the State Capitol Monday, I bumped into Republican Senate Minority Leader Josh Penry.  

  

I asked him if he approves of his supporters posting a voice mail by Scott McInnis on the Complete Colorado website. The voice recording makes it look like McInnis may be coordinating his incipient gubernatorial campaign with a 527 group, which is a serious no no.  

  

“I’ve been down here at the state capitol working very hard, and lots of things have been happening on the blogs, and so reality is what it is,” Penry told me. 

  

Penry tried to duck my question, but his answer reveals that Penry doesn’t want to go out of his way to be nice to his old boss McInnis.  

  

In fact, it looks like Penry is growling softly at McInnis and ready to bite.  

  

If Penry were a loyal protégé, he would have said something like, “I don’t believe Republicans should throw each other under the bus this way. Posting a personal and inconclusive voice mail on a blog was a below-the-belt tactic worthy of Democrats, not Republicans.” 

  

I mean, even Colorado Common Cause Director Jenny Flanagan told The Denver Post that McInnis may not technically have broken campaign laws, but Penry couldn’t be as nice to McInnis as Common Cause was! 

  

Penry’s growl to me comes after he mocked McInnis last Friday, in the Grand Junction Sentinel. His quote: 

  

Scott’s clearly ramped up, which is his right. I haven’t had much time or inclination to engage in the parlor game of who Scott’s calling, in the same way I haven’t spent any time thinking about this idea that we can both be governor for 16 years. 

  

With Colorado trending blue, who in her right mind would expect the Republicans to hold the governor’s office for 16 straight years? So how can you interpret Penry’s “16-years” line as anything but a slap at McInnis? 

  

Look for Penry bare his fangs and run full-bore at McInnis very soon. 

Righties won’t help newspapers

May 6th, 2009

Denver Post PoliticsWest blogger John Andrews invited me and the Independence Institute’s Dave Kopel to his newly minted Centennial Institute on the campus of Colorado Christian Univeristy Friday to discuss the demise of newspapers in America.

 

I admit to being a bit scared at finding not only Andrews but Colorado Republican Party Chair Dick Wadhams and former Senator Bill Armsrtong (with son, Will) in the audience, and nary a lefty in sight. But they all behaved themselves, and true to form, they ably represented the Republicans, the party of no solutions.

 

Kopel and I basically agreed that serious journalism, particularly at the local level, is threatened, as newspapers cut back or fail outright.

 

We both agreed that this presents a major problem for America.

 

And that’s why we have the government—to solve problems. So I suggested government spending (more money for public broadcasting, for example), tax incentives (tax breaks for investments in journalism), and even individual tax credits (for newspaper subscriptions) to help keep serious journalism stay afloat for a few years while the search for a sustainable business model continues.

 

Andrews and his gang would hear nothing of it, as you can see in this right-wing blog post. But did they offer even the tiniest scrap of solution of their own? Nothing.

 

But that’s the way it goes with the party of no. Even when we all agree on a problem, they don’t have a solution—except tax cuts.

Alas, however, Obama spokesman Robert Gibbs said yesterday that no help for newspapers was on the Administration’s agenda, despite the President’s concern about the future of newspapers.

 

Face the State’s tunnel vision

March 18th, 2009

It’s fair enough to cover the news from a conservative perspective, which is what Face the State claims to do, as long as your standards of “fair and balanced” don’t align with Bill O’Reilly’s. But it’s a problem when you develop such tunnel vision that you can’t even see a liberal politician’s name when he’s involved in something conservatives support. Maybe the name “Gov. Ritter” becomes invisible to Face the State’s unnamed reporters when he’s doing stuff conservatives like?

 

Maybe that explains what happened in the coverage below, which completely ignores Gov. Ritter’s involvement with Attorney General John Suthers. But whatever the explanation, it’s a ridiculously gross omission by Face the State, and it proves my point that the Colorado Independent, which covers news from a progressive perspective, does a better job of being fair and accurate than Face the State does. I’ve proven this before, but Face the State Editor Brad Jones stubbornly disputes my quantitative findings.

 

I don’t want Face the State to close down. I want it to do better.

FACE THE STATE

SUTHERS SIGNS ON TO HELP COMBAT POLLUTION IN SOUTHWEST COLORADO

 

 

March 18, 2009

 

Attorney General John Suthers has joined state Rep. Scott Tipton, R-Cortez, in a joint-effort to combat harmful pollution to southern Colorado caused by emissions from Four Corners Power Plant.

 

The two penned a letter sent to Interior secretary Ken Salazar (PDF) and the Environmental Protection Agency (PDF), asking both to stop the FCPP from further polluting the region.

 

The FCPP is located across state lines on the Navajo Nation in New Mexico, creating complex jurisdictional issues. As Interior secretary, Salazar has authority over these lands, while the state of New Mexico does not. Salazar’s office, however, declined to answer questions Tuesday about the FCPP and punted to the EPA, which did not return phone calls.

 

Talk about government bureaucracy run amok.

 

*****

 

 COLORADO INDEPENDENT

 

 

By WENDY NORRIS 3/18/09 10:05 AM

 

The only things missing from the ozone-busting tag team of Gov. Bill Ritter and Attorney General John Suthers are Mexican wrestling masks to completely shield their partisan identities.

 

The state’s chief executive and chief lawyer have teamed up to fight the belching coal-fired Four Corners Power Plant and the planned Desert Rock plant located just over the state’s southwestern border with New Mexico.

 

 

According to a press release from the Colorado Department of Public Health and the Environment, the dynamic duo is taking two tacks — push the Environmental Protection Agency to require stronger emission controls on the Four Corners Power Plant on Navajo Nation lands near Farmington, N.M., and halt an operations permit for the nearby Desert Rock Power Plant.

 

Says CDPHE: “The Four Corners Power Plant is the largest single nitrogen oxide source in the nation, emitting more than 40,000 tons of the ozone-causing pollution annually.”

 

Our colleagues at the New Mexico Independent get to the real crux of the problem with the so-called “clean coal” Desert Rock project:

 

Mary Yuhl, Air Quality Bureau Chief at the NM Environment Department, though, told the Independent the primary problem in the Four Corners region isn’t sulfur dioxide, it’s ozone, which the company’s mitigation plans don’t address.

 

It’s the ozone levels in the region, she said, that are near the maximum when it comes to the National Ambient Air Quality Standard.

 

Colorado officials are concerned that the northwestern New Mexico power plants, those in operation and planned, will continue to violate EPA ozone and mercury emission limits that affect our own state’s clean air standards — violations that can come with hefty fines.

 

In several stories on the Desert Rock EPA permit saga reported by the New Mexico Independent, the health-threatening bottom line for Colorado becomes apparent:

 

In ‘econ-o-speak,’ an externality is an external cost or benefit that is not reflected in the market price. Electricity generation from coal-powered power plants is a perfect example of a negative externality; the cost of generating electricity does not reflect the health and environmental impacts that arise from using coal. Thus, these costs are ignored by producers.

 

 

On the regional level, coal use contributes to acid rain. Where the acid rain occurs is highly dependent on wind and weather patterns. At the local level, coal use can impact communities and ecosytems through increased smog and mercury levels. Thus, when we consume energy from these sources, the external costs can impact very different communities.

 

 

 

Sealover at Biz Journal

March 9th, 2009

Former Rocky reporter Ed Sealover started today at the Denver Business Journal.

Sealover was hired just about the time that things started going seriously down hill for the Rocky.

It’s good news he’s found a job. If only more Rocky reporters could.

Reporters to Republicans: Where’s the Money?

March 2nd, 2009

Gov. Ritter is signing the so-called FASTER legislation into law today, after it cleared the state legislature last week. I wrote about this legislation in my final Rocky column. You’re excused for missing it, because the Rocky closed the day before my column was scheduled to run. It’s a low blow for me to be criticizing the Rocky’s coverage of the state legislature after the paper has died, but in some ways maybe you’ll find it   refreshing. The final edition of the Rocky was such a love-fest it almost killed me. I mean, I enjoyed it, but you’d think a journalistic organ like the Rocky would have been a tiny bit more critical of itself.

In any case, below is my faster column that never ran. Fortunately, it criticizes the Post as well, and it’s relevant to state legislature coverage going forward.

If you’ve following the state legislature in the dailies, you know that both Republicans and Democrats have been telling reporters they want to fix roads and bridges in Colorado.
 

 The we-want-to-do-something theme comes across clearly, even if you read a fraction of the articles.
 

 So you’d expect journalists to tell us how much each side proposed to spend on roads and bridges and where they planned to get the money.
 

 Well, I just finished reading all the stories about highway funding in the dailies this year, and the coverage answered those two questions, at least regarding the Democrats’ proposal.
 

 But I’m left with only the vaguest notions about how much the Republicans were proposing to spend, and where they were going to get the money.
 

 In 15 of 16 articles, reporters wrote that Democrats wanted to spend between $200 and $265 million per year, depending on the article, and they’d get this money by raising average vehicle registration fees to $41 and adding $2 to rental car fees.
 

 But only two of the 16 articles provided a specific figure for the amount Republicans wanted to spend, $82 million under one proposal and $125 million under another. Even these figures were vague. The latter, published in the Feb. 5 Rocky Mountain News, was described as consisting of a $15 vehicle fee, “redirection” of the existing state budget, and severance-tax money.
 

 Instead of providing specifics, reporters wrote, in five articles, about the Republicans’ broad ideas to generate more transportation money.
 

 For example, a Rocky article Jan. 15 stated that Republicans wanted to leverage the “value of state buildings and sell bonds,” without offering a figure for how much this could raise.
 

 But the Rocky found space in the piece to quote Republican House Minority Leader Mike May saying, “The Republican plan is: Building roads, not bureaucracies.”
 

 Similarly, four articles stated that Republicans wanted to reallocate existing money in the state budget to transportation, but not a single story told us what they’d cut to free up the funds.
 

 Reporters should have given us more specifics about the Republican proposals.
 

 And here’s the key point: if Republicans couldn’t come up with specific funding sources and costs for their road proposals, then reporters should have informed us, repeatedly if necessary, that Republicans were not able to provide this specific information.
 

 Reporters also should have told us more often how much money Colorado highways actually need. Only three stories did this, reminding readers that a governor’s commission estimated that Colorado highways require $500 million - $1.5 billion per year, well above the Democrats’ proposal and way higher than the Republican’s vague proposals.
 

 Reporters should have reported whether the leaders of both parties, particularly the Republicans, think they’ve provided for basic public safety with their highway proposals. I didn’t see this addressed at all, even though the costs of repairing Colorado’s roads is so much higher than the figures debated at the Capitol.
 

 The transportation bill has cleared both the Colorado House and Senate, and Gov. Ritter is expected to sign it. So its day in the sun is gone.
 

 But with the state budget as tight as it is, you can count on seeing similar debates in the future over how to fund popular programs.
 

 Reporters should insist, repeatedly if necessary, that politicians who claim to support something, like transportation upgrades, be specific about 1) how much they want to spend, 2) where they’ll get the money, and 3) whether their proposals are will actually do the job.
 

 And their answers, or lack thereof, should be included in any article where a funding proposal is tossed around.
 

 

Sad day for Rocky

February 27th, 2009

How classy of E.W. Scripps to give the Rocky an extra day to publish a last edition.

Scripps could have shut down the paper yesterday and saved a little money. After all, if the 150-year old newspaper had been printed for, say, a week longer, to give itself and its readers time to reflect about journalism and their community, think of all the money Scripps would have lost. 

Anyway, the point is, the Rocky is a business, and that’s the way it is. But unlike other outfits, its death leaves an information gap that’s widening as other news outlets cut back too. 

It’s a blow for coverage of the day-to-day stuff of our community, especially our local government. 

There are still lots of sources of national news, but local news is in serious decline. 

So, as a condolence gift for the Rocky’s death, don’t send flowers to Editor John Temple or Mike Littwin or Vince Carroll.

Do something to support a Denver news outlet that actually gathers local news, not just aggregates it or opines about it.

Donate to nonprofit news outlets that are still covering our local community:  This means nonprofits like: Colorado Public Radio; community radio station KGNU (1390 AM); online news outlets ColoradoIndependent.com and (sort of) FaceTheState.org; and public television stations KBDI (Channel 12) and Rocky Mountain PBS (Channel 6). 

Read Westword and even the Denver Daily News. Try out the Colorado Statesman or the Denver Business Journal. 

Complement Denver’s local TV news shows and KOA when they air good local journalism, which thank god they still do. 

But most important, subscribe to the Denver Post. And buy a subscription for a friend. There’s no better way to support local journalism. It’s actually a great cause, even if the Post’s owner, MediaNews, is no less greedy than E.W. Scripps.

Anyway, to mark the death of the Rocky, do something to support local news reporting.


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